The Harbinger


ANC media policy - the sting in the tale

October 11th, 2007

The tone of the ANC’s new media policy proposals, to be discussed at the party’s national conference in Polokwane Conference next month, is captured by the document’s title: “Communications and the battle of ideas�.

The document, which emerged from the recent policy conference, is shaped by the view that “the ANC is faced with a major ideological offensive, largely driven by the opposition and individuals in the mainstream media�.

This feeling of embattlement informs the document, and is in danger of infesting the whole of the country’s vibrant media set up.

The criticism the government faces, the document suggests, is beyond normal dispute or debate because it is an “offensive against our movement� and one part of a bigger “global offensive against progressive values and ideas�.

The ANC’s outlook and values (defined in the struggle terms of the 1980s in phrases such as collective rights, values of caring and community solidarity and a developmental state) has to weigh in against “the mainstream media’s ideological outlook (defined as neo-liberalism, market fundamentalism and a weak and passive state). This suggests, rather simplistically, that the ANC’s ideal s remain pristine despite over a decade of access to wealth and power, and the private media presents a single, unified block of opposition to the transformation project. Neither of these notions hold up to scrutiny.

More worryingly, this kind of thinking does not discriminate between acceptable criticism, discussion and debate, and the actions of the country’s enemies (whoever they are). It lumps everyone together in a lazy, sloppy and potentially dangerous way. The party’s critics are at one with the country’s enemies.

The real threat to media freedom, they suggest, is not the state but commercial interests� and “the pursuit of profit� which are “impacting negatively on editorial quality�. In particular, they bemoan the “increasing concentration of ownership, control and content� in a small number of powerful companies.

The proposals to deal with this are by and large positive and benign, involving measures to boost media diversity and encourage community-based media. They propose strengthening government communications, encouraging the creation of progressive media houses, promoting a more diverse and representative media environment, taking practical steps to influence and engage the output of the creating, media, academic and intellectual communities, giving more support to community media, and working with editors to improve journalistic skills.

On the SABC, the document raises the fact that previous party resolutions on the funding of the public broadcaster have not been implemented. The ANC reiterates its call for more public funding to free the SABC from its commercial constraints.
The ANC seeks a media that promotes national consensus, pride and unity and deepens democracy. As you might expect from a ruling party which has felt the sting of close and even rough and tough media scrutiny in recent months, words such as “watchdog� are absent.

The sting in the document comes in one line, calling for an investigation into “the need or otherwise for a media tribunal� which would address the weakness of the media’s self-regulatory system and the need to protect the rights of all South Africans. This weighs in with recent angry protests that freedom of expression rights are trumping individual rights such privacy and dignity.

The nature of this intended tribunal is not clear in the document. Is it to be an ANC tribunal, a government tribunal, or an independent one? What will be its power and scope? The South African media certainly knows about commissions of inquiry into the media which purport to be independent, having faced a series of them under apartheid, all of which were designed to put pressure on the media and encourage journalists to fall into line to encourage more unity, national pride and consensus.

The ANC document seems torn between a gentle approach based on “progressive forces … contesting the space and the public discourse more broadly� and those who want to intervene more actively and aggressively through a tribunal.

As this discussion document translates into conference resolutions, we shall see which view gains precedence.

*This column first appeared in Business Day, 10 October 2007

Entry Filed under: Anton Harber, Journalism, Media regulation

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Anton Harber: Media

Anton Harber

Professor Anton Harber directs the Journalism and Media Studies Programme at Wits University. He is former editor of the Mail & Guardian.
Full bio

Daily newspaper sales, South Africa
(Ave sales Jul-Dec)
1960 - 681 053 (Population 17,3m)
1970 - 723 566 (22m)
1980 - 803 229 (27,5m)
1990 - 1 214 396 (35,2m)
2000 - 1 117 886 (44m)
2006 - 1 600 000 (47,3m)
2011 - 1 310 000 (49m)

(Sources: ABC and nationmaster.com)

“It was pure political theatre. The excited room was filled with government officials, government consultants, quasi-government agencies, politicians and pupils from government schools. As if on cue, the room rang with applause as one education victory after another was claimed. This was, after all, the annual drama in which the minister of basic education appears on stage to announce the Grade 12 National Senior Certificate (NSC) results …” - Educationist Jonathan Jansen, one of the few with the credibility to look critically at this “celebratory orgy of mediocrity”.

“The (Incwala) ceremony is cloaked in secrecy and marks the (Swaziland) king’s return to public life after a period of withdrawal and spiritual contemplation. Among its highlights is a symbolic demonstration by the king of his power and dominance in a process involving his penetration of a black bull … But last year’s selected bull, according to a recent account from a whistle-blowing Incwala initiate, objected strongly, and threw off Africa’s last absolute monarch.” - Some surprises in this (un-bylined) account of Swaziland politics in Southern African Report

“When the Great Zucchini arrived that Saturday morning, Don had no idea who he was. Frankly, he didn’t look like a great anything. He looked like a house painter, Don thought, with some justification. He wears no costume. He was in painter’s pants, a coffee-stained shirt and a two-day growth of beard. He toted his beat-up props in beat-up steamer trunks, with ripped faux leather and broken hinges hanging askew.” - A classic of magazine profiling, by Gene Weingarten of the Washington Post.

Diepsloot (Jonathan Ball, 2011)

Diesploot: Of Frogs and Fractals, a public lecture at the University of Johannesburg, 4 August 2011

Troublemakers - The Best of South Africa's Investigative JournalismTroublemakers - The Best of South Africa’s Investigative Journalism (Jacana, 2101), edited by Anton Harber and Margaret Renn

Introduction - The Troublemakers: An account of the rise of a new wave of investigative journalism in South Africa.


What is Left Unsaid: Reporting the South African HIV Epidemic, edited by Kristin Palitza, Natalie Ridgard, Helen Struthers and Anton Harber (Fanele, 2010)

Reflections on Journalism in the Transition to Democracy - Ethics & International Affairs 18, no. 3 (2004).

Journalism in the Age of the Market
- Harold Wolpe Memorial Lecture, Centre for Civil Society, University of KZN, Aug 2002

The Untimely Death of SA’s Finest Daily - Sunday Times, May 2005

“Two Newspapers, Two Nations? The Media and the Xenophobic Violence” from Go Home or Die Here, edited by Shireen Hassim Tawana Kupe and Eric Worby (WUP, 2008)

Remarks at Goedgedacht Forum, October 2008

The rise of social network journalism - From The 2009 Flux Trend Review (Macmillan, 2008)

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