The Harbinger


Dark stain on our journalism

July 14th, 2010

The darkest of clouds hangs over South African journalism this week, following the admission by a former Cape Argus reporter that he took money from an ANC politician to assist in his intra-party battles.

Former political reporter Ashley Smith says the then-premier and now ambassador-elect Ebrahim Rasool gave contracts to his wife’s company and worked with him and his political editor, Joseph Arenes, to plot against Rasool’s rivals in the ANC. Arenes and Rasool deny it.

“Brown envelope journalism”, as it is known in those African countries where it is common practice, where companies are routinely expected to hand out cash at media conferences if they want coverage, is the kiss of death for the news media, destroying its standing, credibility and value. Either it is eradicated, or the media’s ability to act as a watchdog is compromised. It is corruption that cuts to the heart of an open society such as ours.

Ironically, only the Cape Argus itself emerges from this with at least some honour. The editor at the time, Ivan Fynn, and subsequent editor Chris Whitfield pursued these allegations for years before last week’s admission. From the very first rumours of these shady payments, they investigated and did not let go, and current editor Gasant Abarder did the right thing in splashing the story across the front page: “Reporter: I was paid to pursue Rasool’s agenda” alongside an editorial, “Our stand”.

It was the heartiest of mea culpas. “(The allegations) suggest a conspiracy leading from the top office in the province to the heart of the newspaper … Naturally, we are aghast and have to acknowledge a failing on the Cape Argus’ part.”

Journalism’s governing bodies, like the SA National Editors’ Forum and the Press Council, need to start a public discussion on how they can isolate the culprits, and make it clear to others that banishment is the minimum sentence for taking a brown envelope. The Press Council needs to change the rule that prevents the Ombudsman from investigating these allegations unless they have a formal complaint. All our professional resources need to be turned to the task of showing the public there is good reason to trust journalists.

The incident is uncommon, but it is not isolated. Vusi Mona left the editorship of City Press when it was found that he had an undeclared interest in a provincial public relations tender. This after his paper had run the false accusation that Jacob Zuma’s accuser, Bulelani Ngcuka, was an apartheid agent when other editors had declined to run the smear, and he had broken the confidence of an off-the-record briefing in which Ngcuka laid bare his pursuit of Zuma. Mona took money and took sides. His employers, Media24, moved decisively to clean up behind him, but he was rewarded with a senior job in the presidency, and moved this week to the government communications body, GCIS.

Similiarly, Rasool is due to move to Washington to take the top ambassadorial job there.

It takes two to tango with the truth. For every journalist who takes a bribe, there is someone who gave it. The media has to keep its house in order, but if we are to stop the rot, the ANC also has to take action against those in the ranks who seek to compromise journalists. Rasool’s role needs to be fully investigated and his appointment put on hold until his name is cleared.

As Washington ambassador, every journalist he deals with will start with the knowledge that there is strong evidence that he was responsible for the most appalling attack on their profession. He cannot do an effective job unless he rids himself of this taint.

We should also recognize that the path to brown envelopes is strewn with gifts and freebies. Hand-outs to journalists are commonplace, and only a few media institutions keep tight rules and practices on how to deal with them. Travel and motoring journalism in particular are tainted by forms of corruption which have been granted a convenient but tendentious legitimacy: free trips and borrowed cars, taken up even by some of our most senior journalists.

It is time to revisit the rules and implement them strictly.

• This column first appeared in Business Day 8 July 2010. It originally said that Whitfield was Argus editor, whereas he is now group editor-in-chief. I have corrected this.

Entry Filed under: Anton Harber, Journalism, Media regulation, Print

2 Comments Add your own

  • 1. Ruder  |  December 14th, 2010 at 9:22 pm

    Such a helpful thought. Her should receive credit for it. Thanks

  • 2. Weinmann  |  December 16th, 2010 at 11:51 pm

    Nice article. Keep it up.

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Anton Harber: Media

Anton Harber

Professor Anton Harber directs the Journalism and Media Studies Programme at Wits University. He is former editor of the Mail & Guardian.
Full bio

Daily newspaper sales, South Africa
(Ave sales Jul-Dec)
1960 - 681 053 (Population 17,3m)
1970 - 723 566 (22m)
1980 - 803 229 (27,5m)
1990 - 1 214 396 (35,2m)
2000 - 1 117 886 (44m)
2006 - 1 600 000 (47,3m)
2011 - 1 310 000 (49m)

(Sources: ABC and nationmaster.com)

“It was pure political theatre. The excited room was filled with government officials, government consultants, quasi-government agencies, politicians and pupils from government schools. As if on cue, the room rang with applause as one education victory after another was claimed. This was, after all, the annual drama in which the minister of basic education appears on stage to announce the Grade 12 National Senior Certificate (NSC) results …” - Educationist Jonathan Jansen, one of the few with the credibility to look critically at this “celebratory orgy of mediocrity”.

“The (Incwala) ceremony is cloaked in secrecy and marks the (Swaziland) king’s return to public life after a period of withdrawal and spiritual contemplation. Among its highlights is a symbolic demonstration by the king of his power and dominance in a process involving his penetration of a black bull … But last year’s selected bull, according to a recent account from a whistle-blowing Incwala initiate, objected strongly, and threw off Africa’s last absolute monarch.” - Some surprises in this (un-bylined) account of Swaziland politics in Southern African Report

“When the Great Zucchini arrived that Saturday morning, Don had no idea who he was. Frankly, he didn’t look like a great anything. He looked like a house painter, Don thought, with some justification. He wears no costume. He was in painter’s pants, a coffee-stained shirt and a two-day growth of beard. He toted his beat-up props in beat-up steamer trunks, with ripped faux leather and broken hinges hanging askew.” - A classic of magazine profiling, by Gene Weingarten of the Washington Post.

Diepsloot (Jonathan Ball, 2011)

Diesploot: Of Frogs and Fractals, a public lecture at the University of Johannesburg, 4 August 2011

Troublemakers - The Best of South Africa's Investigative JournalismTroublemakers - The Best of South Africa’s Investigative Journalism (Jacana, 2101), edited by Anton Harber and Margaret Renn

Introduction - The Troublemakers: An account of the rise of a new wave of investigative journalism in South Africa.


What is Left Unsaid: Reporting the South African HIV Epidemic, edited by Kristin Palitza, Natalie Ridgard, Helen Struthers and Anton Harber (Fanele, 2010)

Reflections on Journalism in the Transition to Democracy - Ethics & International Affairs 18, no. 3 (2004).

Journalism in the Age of the Market
- Harold Wolpe Memorial Lecture, Centre for Civil Society, University of KZN, Aug 2002

The Untimely Death of SA’s Finest Daily - Sunday Times, May 2005

“Two Newspapers, Two Nations? The Media and the Xenophobic Violence” from Go Home or Die Here, edited by Shireen Hassim Tawana Kupe and Eric Worby (WUP, 2008)

Remarks at Goedgedacht Forum, October 2008

The rise of social network journalism - From The 2009 Flux Trend Review (Macmillan, 2008)

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