The Harbinger


Wikileaks: Lessons from the past

February 16th, 2011

The Oscar-nominated documentary, “The Most Dangerous Man in America”, could not be more timely. Released last year, it told the story of Daniel Ellsberg, the man who leaked the Pentagon Papers in 1971 and was charged with espionage – and puts in dramatic perspective the current row over Wikileak’s Julian Assange.

Ellsberg was a senior Pentagon analyst whose views turned against the Vietnam war and who spent months making covert copies of a top secret internal history of the war that laid bare the lies and deception behind America’s folly. He gave it to the New York Times, who broke the story but were stopped by the courts. Other newspapers carried on, making sure the information got out. Eventually, the US Supreme Court delivered one of the most important free speech judgements of all time, allowing the NY Times to publish the material in its entirety. And the case against Ellsberg collapsed.

The film reminds us that the US authorities went after Ellsberg, charging him with espionage, threatening him with life imprisonment and stealing his medical records in a bid to show that he was mentally unstable. It was Secretary of State Henry Kissinger who called him the most dangerous man in America, and President Richard Nixon said he gave comfort to America’s enemies.

It is not unlike American politicians and commentators who have called Assange a traitor, labelled Wikileaks a criminal enterprise and even suggested he be assassinated.

Ellsberg’s case opened up a fierce US national debate on whether a government could operate – particularly during a war - when it’s most sensitive secrets were made public. Assange has opened up a global debate about whether it is possible to conduct international diplomacy when your cables might be published on the internet.

When we look back at Ellsberg;s case, it is easy now to see that it had the effect of shortening the war and making the US government more open, honest and accountable. And perhaps stronger.
Already the claims made about the impossibility of diplomacy in the age of Wikileaks are looking a little thin. The US and other government have to be more careful, but they also have to be more honest, knowing that stuff might get out. So they will think twice about asking their diplomats to spy on their colleagues at the United Nations, as they appeared to have done in one of the leaked documents – perhaps the most embarrassing. But diplomacy continues.

It was secrecy that enabled the US to escalate the Vietnam war when they were telling their voters they were not. It was secrecy that allowed the US to say there were weapons of mass destruction in Iraq when there were not. Secrecy is the primary tool in a democracy of those who wield power and wish to abuse it, to hold on to power, or mislead their electorate.

Information in the hands of the public, or their representatives in the media, empowers them to challenge and question and hold governments to account. That is why authority always likes secrecy, and spreads the myth that it cannot operate without it. Openness levels the playing field, which is why authorities don’t like it and those who care about participative democracy do.

Sadly, in the case of Wikileaks the story has become Assange rather than how his website became a global political game-changer. The truth is that Assange and his team opened a door that many people will now walk through. There is no real purpose in the US going after him, because others will do the same thing as well or better. Already, the New York Times, for example, is setting up their own equivalent of Wikileaks. And some of Assange’s team, who feel he is too much of a publicity-seeker, have left and are doing their own.

Both Ellsberg and Assange were just sources. Interestingly, they both overestimated their individual importance and tried to control the stories they leaked, without success. As a result, Assange has fallen out with The Guardian and the NY Times, both key allies of his.

There will always be sources, and there will always be leaks, government will always rail against them, and the public will read them eagerly. Assange just showed us how to make it easier.

*This column first appeared in Business Day, Feb 16, 2011

Entry Filed under: Anton Harber, Journalism, Online

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Anton Harber: Media

Anton Harber

Professor Anton Harber directs the Journalism and Media Studies Programme at Wits University. He is former editor of the Mail & Guardian.
Full bio

Daily newspaper sales, South Africa
(Ave sales Jul-Dec)
1960 - 681 053 (Population 17,3m)
1970 - 723 566 (22m)
1980 - 803 229 (27,5m)
1990 - 1 214 396 (35,2m)
2000 - 1 117 886 (44m)
2006 - 1 600 000 (47,3m)
2011 - 1 310 000 (49m)

(Sources: ABC and nationmaster.com)

“It was pure political theatre. The excited room was filled with government officials, government consultants, quasi-government agencies, politicians and pupils from government schools. As if on cue, the room rang with applause as one education victory after another was claimed. This was, after all, the annual drama in which the minister of basic education appears on stage to announce the Grade 12 National Senior Certificate (NSC) results …” - Educationist Jonathan Jansen, one of the few with the credibility to look critically at this “celebratory orgy of mediocrity”.

“The (Incwala) ceremony is cloaked in secrecy and marks the (Swaziland) king’s return to public life after a period of withdrawal and spiritual contemplation. Among its highlights is a symbolic demonstration by the king of his power and dominance in a process involving his penetration of a black bull … But last year’s selected bull, according to a recent account from a whistle-blowing Incwala initiate, objected strongly, and threw off Africa’s last absolute monarch.” - Some surprises in this (un-bylined) account of Swaziland politics in Southern African Report

“When the Great Zucchini arrived that Saturday morning, Don had no idea who he was. Frankly, he didn’t look like a great anything. He looked like a house painter, Don thought, with some justification. He wears no costume. He was in painter’s pants, a coffee-stained shirt and a two-day growth of beard. He toted his beat-up props in beat-up steamer trunks, with ripped faux leather and broken hinges hanging askew.” - A classic of magazine profiling, by Gene Weingarten of the Washington Post.

Diepsloot (Jonathan Ball, 2011)

Diesploot: Of Frogs and Fractals, a public lecture at the University of Johannesburg, 4 August 2011

Troublemakers - The Best of South Africa's Investigative JournalismTroublemakers - The Best of South Africa’s Investigative Journalism (Jacana, 2101), edited by Anton Harber and Margaret Renn

Introduction - The Troublemakers: An account of the rise of a new wave of investigative journalism in South Africa.


What is Left Unsaid: Reporting the South African HIV Epidemic, edited by Kristin Palitza, Natalie Ridgard, Helen Struthers and Anton Harber (Fanele, 2010)

Reflections on Journalism in the Transition to Democracy - Ethics & International Affairs 18, no. 3 (2004).

Journalism in the Age of the Market
- Harold Wolpe Memorial Lecture, Centre for Civil Society, University of KZN, Aug 2002

The Untimely Death of SA’s Finest Daily - Sunday Times, May 2005

“Two Newspapers, Two Nations? The Media and the Xenophobic Violence” from Go Home or Die Here, edited by Shireen Hassim Tawana Kupe and Eric Worby (WUP, 2008)

Remarks at Goedgedacht Forum, October 2008

The rise of social network journalism - From The 2009 Flux Trend Review (Macmillan, 2008)

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